Educational and Job-Preparation Programs
in Correctional Facilities
Christine Janis
(Dept of Sociology: Northern Illinois University)
November 28, 2001
INTRODUCTION
For those serving time in prison, particularly for those
whose sentences will come to an end, one haunting question
looms in their future: what next? For some, this question
may not have as serious of ramifications as it does for
others, but there are definite stigmas that travel with a
criminal record. And once the label of "ex-con" is firmly
attached to the inmate's figurative forehead, it becomes
harder to reap the benefits of freedom, including, but not
limited to neighborhood acceptance and a job.
While the manifest functions of prisons are ultimately
retributive in nature, there are some latent functions of
prison that cannot be ignored. However, nowadays, even these
latent functions are coming closer to the forefront than
ever. There are many innovative programs, for both
incarcerated and recently released criminals, that are
designed to make the transition from prison to release a
little less traumatic not only for the criminal, but for
potential employers, parole/probation personnel, and for
members of the community, as well. My hope with this paper
is to outline some of these programs, paying particular
attention to their benefits and pitfalls.
TYPES OF PROGRAMS
As of late, growing number of prison-based programs designed
to help reintegrate the prisoner back into the working
community have appeared in correctional institutions
nationwide. Specifically, many correctional institutions
offer educational and job training programs to their
inmates. These are programs that are designed to provide the
inmate with valuable life skills, including basic General
Education Development (GED) training, vocational skills
programs, and job preparation programs, such as interview
counseling and mock job fairs.
Educational Programs and Occupational Training
Most of those involved with prison administration concur
that educational programs for inmates are well worth the
time and effort. Educational opportunities within
correctional facilities fall into two categories: academic
skill and basic occupational training. In fact, literacy
requirements are mandatory in many institutions. According
to Sylvia McCollum (1999), "the federal prison system and
approximately 25 state prison systems require all inmates,
with few exceptions, to achieve academic skills at the
sixth-grade, eighth-grade or...[GED] level" (p. 121).
Occupational training, while no less important than
basic academic training, is usually offered on a voluntary
basis, and is less prevalent. This form of training includes
real-world experience, usually linked to the day-to-day
operation and maintenance of the institution, in areas such
as construction, indoor and outdoor maintenance, food
service, clerical duties, landscaping and more (McCollum
1999). Many institutions also offer voluntary classes in
areas such as life or cognitive skills, negotiations,
coping, and survival tactics (McCollum 1999).
Why Job Training?
Social scientists have long hypothesized that unemployment
is a significant contributor to crime (Laughlin 2000).
However, for those who are incarcerated, without help, the
chances of getting and more importantly, keeping a job are
significantly reduced. But experts agree job-training
programs are help newly released individuals find jobs and
keep them.
Lack of job-related skills. In some cases, there is a
time element involved in for incarcerated individuals.
Specifically, there are many individuals who have been
incarcerated for a good portion of their lives. In this
instance, there are two consequences. First, these
individuals may not have any sort of prior job training to
fall back upon after they are released, and have very few
skills to call on after they are released. For example,
inmates who have been out of the job market may be
unfamiliar with current job market information, and the
skills needed to obtain positions within that job market.
They may also be lacking in technical skills, such as
computer skills, which are necessary in most positions
(McCollum 1999).
Absence of family resources. Many who have been in
prison for a great length of time have very few family
resources at their disposal (Casey-Longoria 2000). Family
members who might have otherwise helped out their
incarcerated kin have either moved on or refuse to offer
support. For those individuals not involved in some sort of
work release or halfway house program, this means that the
inmate will need to find affordable housing. However, as
McCollum states, "many jobs have moved to large urban
centers and are located at increased distances from
affordable housing" (McCollum 1999:121).
This lack of family support is a particularly serious
handicap for inmates in institutions where job training is
not offered. Lack of personal contacts on the outside
someone who can help make arrangements for a job opportunity
for the inmate upon his or her release forces the inmate
to fend for themselves, both before and after his or her
release (McCollum 1999). Providing job training and post-
release support services to inmates can provide an easier
transition to the world of law-abiding citizenship.
Pre-Release Programs
One method commonly used to train offenders in the skills
necessary to succeed in the workplace is through the use of
employment in prison industries, commonly known as
correctional industries. According to Timothy Mann (1999),
over 75,000 inmates participate in these industries (Mann
1999).
These correctional industries are vital to preparing
the inmate for reintegration into the community. As Mann
states:
...by teaching inmates specific work skills, exposing
them to the world of work and instilling in them the
basic elements of the work ethic, they may change
their behavior and improve their opportunities for
making a successful transition to the free community
(Mann 1999:111).
Public sentiment echoes this notion, as well. Polls
conducted of the American public indicate that overall,
people support the idea of job training in correctional
facilities (Mann 1999).
Job Fairs in Prison
As mentioned previously, one of the problems facing inmates
preparing to reenter the workforce is their lack of job
readiness, job search, and job retention skills. One way
that certain jurisdictions have chosen to address this
problem is through the use of job fairs in prisons.
Job fairs designed to benefit the specific needs of the
inmate are a relatively new phenomenon. Prior to 1996, many
federal institutions held job fairs, but they concentrated
solely on providing information about specific jobs and
related information, much in the same way that a high school
or college job fair would. These fairs did not address
special concerns of inmates, who were preparing to return to
an unfamiliar labor market after a prolonged absence
(McCollum 2000).
Initial programs. One of the first jurisdictions to
introduce a job fair program designed specifically for
inmates was Texas. The Crime Prevention Institute, under the
leadership of Robb Southerland, created a system of mock job
fairs that would be available to inmate with less than a
year until their release date. These fairs were offered on a
voluntary basis (McCollum 2000).
Initially, there was reluctance on the part of
employers to participate in these fairs. Recruiters were
apprehensive about entering penal institutions to conduct
the interviews. However, after many phone calls, personal
visits, and contacts with the chambers of commerce and other
outreach attempts, a small group of employers agreed to
participate. Those first small fairs paved the way for
additional funding for the program, and by 1995, over 250
companies including names like Motorola, Wal-mart, Apple
Computers and IBM were active participants in prison mock
job fairs (McCollum 2000).
Federal participation. After observing the success of
the Texas program, federal institutions began to develop
their own job fair programs. In October of 1996, the Federal
Bureau of Prisons (BOP) created the Inmate Placement Program
Branch (IPPB), which was responsible for activities such as
holding mock job fairs, training inmates in resume writing
and interview etiquette, soliciting job opening information
from prospective employers, posting job openings in prisons
and encouraging inmates to apply for these jobs, and more
(McCollum 2000).
McCollum outlines perhaps one of the more important
functions of the IPPB:
[The IPPB encourages] federal prisoners soon to be
released to prepare employment portfolios which
include, at a minimum, a certified copy of a birth
certificate, a social security card, a resume, an
application for a driver's license, a picture
identification, education transcripts and
documentation of work and related experience while
incarcerated, and copies of education/training
achievement certificates and diplomas (McCollum
2000:14).
This portfolio is an important link for the inmate. Besides
the practical applications for having all necessary
information in one place, it provides a very tangible link
to the world into which he or she is about to be
reintegrated. It also demonstrates to potential employers
the inmate's willingness to reintegrate him or her self into
the outside world.
Another positive factor of the increase in prison job
fairs is the opportunity they provide for increased job
readiness training. For example, the BOP requires inmates
who will be participating in job fairs to enroll in
preparation classes. These classes range from 14 to 25 hours
of instruction in topics such as preparing job applications
and resumes, good grooming and proper posture, answering
difficult questions regarding personal and/or criminal
history, and how to illustrate the positive experiences of
incarceration, such as employment training and educational
program participation (McCollum 2000).
These pre-fair services have many positive influences
on the inmates who participate in them. For example, those
participating in pre-fair classes often exhibit improved
self-confidence and self-esteem. These inmates also learn
the benefits and importance of being well prepared for
interviews (McCollum 2000). Overall, these inmates
experience an increased sense of job-readiness not only in
their ability to successfully participate in an interview,
but also in their mental ability to handle the interview
process.
Auxiliary agency participation. Another inmate benefit
to job fairs comes through the participation of auxiliary
agencies. At many fairs, representatives from the Department
of Motor Vehicles, probation and parole boards, community
centers and the like will have tables set up. These
representatives are able to address concerns the inmates may
have regarding non-employment issues, further readying these
inmates for life after release (McCollum 2000).
Educational and community support services also active
participants in prison job fairs. Like employers and
recruiters, representatives of these agencies also have
something to gain from an increased presence in the
community. Many of these programs depend on participation
from community members. They also provide valuable services
to these community members. Many recently released inmates
could benefit from community services and educational
opportunities, but often do not realize what community
resources are at their disposal. Job fairs provide the
opportunity for these agencies to disseminate information
regarding their services to inmates who otherwise unable to
obtain this information (McCollum 1998, 2000).
Benefits for employers. Inmates are not the only ones
to benefit from programs such as mock job fairs. Employers
and recruiters have the chance to observe the correctional
training process first-hand. In many cases, these
individuals have little or no experience in dealing with the
corrections community, and often hold pre-conceived notions
of what actually happens in these institutions. By
participating in the job fairs, employers and recruiters
experience the actual orderliness of the institutions and
the professionalism of the staff. They also learn of the
extensive pool of potential employees within the population
of soon-to-be-released inmates (McCollum 1999, 2000).
Post-Release Programs
Experts agree that job training in prisons and correction
industries alone may not be enough to fully reintegrate the
inmate into society. As Mann points out, "research suggests
that correctional programs most likely will succeed if they
offer post-release services to inmates, including placement
services that emphasize employer contact" (Mann 1999:111).
McCollum addresses this problem, as well:
The gap is the absence of a connection between
existing inmate programs and the realities of the job
search and job retention skills critical to post-
release success...job readiness is not sufficiently
stressed during many years of incarceration...many
release preparation programs are too short and are
offered too late in an inmate's incarceration to be of
maximum usefulness (McCollum 1999:121).
In other words, the problem with some job preparedness
programs is a case of "too-little, too-late." Once these
prisoners are released, authorities fear that if they are
often cut-off from these intensive training and support
networks, there is a good chance that they will be unable to
retain these jobs. This failure to hold a job, in turn,
could lead to increased recidivism, and further
incarceration. Therefore, post-release employment services
are a vital link for successful reintegration into the
community. As Mann describes, the goal of these programs is:
...that each inmate worker achieve his or her full
potential through the dignity of work while in prison,
followed by participation in employment services after
release, thus making a "seamless" transition back to
family and community (Mann 1999:112).
Post-Release Employment Services
Not all prisoners reentering the community will have a job
waiting for them upon release. And as previously mentioned,
there may be a lack of resources available to these
individuals. However, there is a growing network of post-
release services designed to assist the inmate with his or
her basic needs upon release. Some of these basic needs
Include housing, transportation, clothing allowances and
referrals to other areas of social service (Mann 1999).
The PRIDE-RISE model. One example of such a program is
the PRIDE-RISE model, based in Florida's correctional
institutions. This model combines pre-release and post-
release services in order to provide the inmate with the
most comprehensive occupational support network possible.
PRIDE stands for Prison Rehabilitative Industries and
Diversified Enterprises, an independent nonprofit
corporation that works with the Florida Department of
Corrections. This company is responsible for successfully
integrating pre-release and post-release services that meet
the individual needs of offenders upon their release from
prison (Mann 1999).
PRIDE's pre-release component provides services similar
to those outlined in previous sections of the paper,
including "comprehensive job training and work in a
productive business environment (Mann 1999:111). While
providing these tangible skills, PRIDE's pre-release
services also provide another important function that of
creating dependable, motivated workers that are ready to
learn (Mann 1999).
The post-release component of this model is the RISE
program (Renewed for Industries, Services and Employment),
another independent corporation created to provide job
placement for offenders, as well as for other under-
privileged members of the community (Mann 1999).
RISE has a reciprocal relationship with PRIDE. When
inmates in the PRIDE program are within three months of
their release date, they are asked to fill out a RISE
referral form. This form functions in the same respect as a
job application, and allows program counselors to begin the
necessary referral and job-placement activities (Mann 1999).
During an exit interview, PRIDE counselors inform the
inmate of the necessary procedures that will allow him or
her to establish contact with RISE upon release from prison.
Inmates are presented with a business card containing a
toll-free number and the names of RISE representatives. The
PRIDE representative may also make arrangements for a
telephone interview with a RISE counselor, thus easing the
transition from PRIDE to RISE after release (Mann 1999).
Once the inmate has been released, it is vital that he
or she make contact with their RISE representative for the
program to be successful. At this time, RISE representatives
are able to begin the process of making contact with
potential employers, arranging for job interviews, and
providing any other personalized assistance the newly
released inmate should need (Mann 1999).
Once employed, RISE also provides a series of job
review services to ensure the former inmate's success. These
services, designed to help these individuals maintain a
successful employment experience, include mentoring, job
coaching, and other incentives that are specially designed
to "boost the individual's confidence and independence"
(Mann 1999:112).
Proponents of the PRIDE-RISE model are quick to point
out that these services are dependent on active and timely
inmate participation. Both PRIDE and RISE believe that
initial contact and continued involvement and participation
on the part of the inmate is crucial to his or her success
in the program, and also for a sustained and successful
employment experience. As Mann points out:
Successful and timely job placement for returning
offenders is crucial to a successful and permanent
transition from prison to free community...employment
is a necessary ingredient for success. Providing
formal job placement services as a part of the
correctional industry's organizational structure can
provide the missing element in an otherwise productive
and life-changing correctional industry program (Mann
1999:112).
EVALUATION OF EDUCATION AND JOB TRAINING PROGRAMS
If programs such as prison job fairs and PRIDE/RISE are any
indication, education and job-training programs appear to be
working. For example, job fairs have received acclaim from
both inmates and staff. McCollum cites a report evaluating a
job fair held at one Federal Prison Camp that indicated
inmates rated the program at a 9.7 on a scale from 1 to 10,
with 10 being high. And based on the same scale, the staff
rated the program as a 9 (McCollum 2000).
Potential employers, inmates, community members and
wardens of the participating institutions also hold job fair
programs in high regard. Of particular regard is the
enthusiasm shown by all involved parties, and the relatively
low cost of the project itself. Overall reaction to the job
fair experience was so positive, that when asked about their
personal experiences, many employers responded that they
would have no problems hiring on individuals from these
pilot programs. Others involved, including staff, inmates,
and community representatives, echoed this enthusiasm and
suggested that similar fairs be held several times a year
(McCollum 2000).
This is not to say that educational and job-training
programs are exempt from criticism. One area in need of
improvement is post-release services particularly job
retention services. For example, Melissa Houston (2001)
reports that nearly half of all practitioners 48% of them
do not follow up with employers after providing inmates
with job placement (p. 141). In many cases, inmates are
provided with job placements, and left to make it on their
own, based on the training they received while incarcerated.
However, without adequate follow-up services, there is an
increased risk for poor retention and recidivism. Houston
states:
The keys to improved job retention appear to be one-
on-one support; job placements based on offender need,
skill level and interest; and realization that factors
impacting job retention reach far beyond actual case
management, job loss and employment barriers (Houston
2001:141).
In short, for educational and occupational programs to
succeed, there not only needs to be adequate participation
on the part of the inmate, sufficient involvement, attention
and follow-up from counselors and program practitioners must
exist, as well.
CONCLUSION
Experts agree that educational and job training programs
provide inmates with more than just "something to do" while
incarcerated. Educational programs provide valuable skill
training, and often increase the inmate's feelings of self-
worth and accomplishment. Job training programs also provide
a solid skill base for these individuals by providing an
environment in which an inmate can hone his or her
technical, personal, and communication skills. And post-
release services form the final, vital link in this chain of
support, assisting inmates not only with reintegration into
the community, but also with the transition from inmate to
productive, working member of society.
By providing inmates with basic academic, life, and
occupational skills, correctional institutions are achieving
two goals. Not only are they winning a major battle in the
war to reduce recidivism, they are also providing ex-
offenders the chance to lead productive, happy, and "crime-
free" lives. WORKS CITED
Casey-Longoria, Patricia. 2000. "Cooperative Effort Brings
Success to Long-Term Offenders." Corrections Today
62:94-96.
Houston, Melissa. 2001. "Improving Offender Work Force
Development and Retention." Corrections Today 63:
134, 141.
Laughlin, Karla. 2000. "NIC Develops New Comprehensive
Training Program for Offender Workforce Development
Specialists." Corrections Today 62: 116-117
Mann, Timothy. 1999. "Pride in the Name of Jobs." Corrections
Today 61: 110-112.
McCollum, Sylvia G. 1998. "Prison Job Fairs." Journal of
Correctional Education 49.
------------------. 1999. "The Vital Connection: A Job."
Corrections Today 61: 120-125.
------------------. 2000. "Mock Job Fairs in Prisons: Tracking
Participants." Federal Probation 64: 13-18.
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